Problem with Devolution

The whole basis of devolution of power (Regionalism) is based on a dubious concept, that of the existence of a 'historical Tamil homeland' in the North and        the East.

1. The powers to be devolved are excessive 
2. Except for separatist Tamil groups, the rest of the country has never asked for devolution of power. 
3. The concept of a 'Union of Regions' and powers granted to such 'Regions' can be the stepping stone to total separation of the ethnic Tamil Region in the north and east. The background to the Tamil separatist movement (Tamil homeland concept and the link up with South India) and the insistence on the three 'non-negotiable demands' emphasises the fact that devolution could result in separation. 
4. The background to the separatist conflict and the device for a link up with South India to form a 'Free Tamil State', as well as the insistence on the three' non-negotiable demands', indicate that total separation will be a certainly once devolution is granted. 
5. The danger of demands for the creation of other ethnic regions (Indian Tami areas) is real. It could lead to protected and bloody conflict in the heart of the country. 
6. The envisaged 'regions' (provinces created by the British) are economically non-viable. 
7. Environmental problems resulting from excessive exploitation of natural resources within 'Regions' are almost certain. Inter-regional conflicts (on sharing of water resources, forests, watershed etc.) are inevitable. 
8. The possible build up of a vast military capability by Tamil separatists and future link up with South India will spell great danger to the stability of the South Asian region in general and Sri Lanka and India in particular. 
9. The merged Northern Province and Eastern Province will be an ethnic Tamil 'Region' and will be demanded on the untenable 'Tamil homeland' concept. The Muslim Congress has demanded a region for the Muslims. Similarly, Thondaman has asked for a separate region for plantation workers, while other 'Regions' are to be non-ethnic based units, This is a major discrepancy. 
10. The future of more than one-half of the Tamil population who live outside the Northern Province and Eastern Province (this includes Sri Lankan and  Indian Tamils), is not clear. A separated ethnic Tami1 'Regional in the N-E, can be of no benefit to this vast majority of Tamils. 
11. It is significant that there will be Tamil Regions and a Muslim Region but there are no Sinhalese Regions. This is a serious flaw in the Proposals. It is expected that 'Regions' outside the N-E will be 'multiethnic', a situation most unfair to the 74% Sinhalese majority.

The Sri Lanka government has mounted a pressure campaign through the media censorship and other means, to show the package of reforms as one with absolutely no dangers designed to solve 'genuine grievances' of the Tamil people. What these 'genuine grievances' are, have never been clarified. It is also argued that the majority of Sri Lanterns is with the government as the Proposals are based on the premise that a clear majority voted for the present President at the last Presidential Elections.
Independent opinion polls published in the press show very clearly over 75% of the people, including many Tamil and most Muslims oppose the 'ethnic regionalisation' of the country.
What is needed in Sri Lanka is honest political leadership, which will not blindly pander to minority extremist demands to legitimise an illegal concept and destroy the unitary character of the country, for the sake of remaining in power through the minority vote bank.